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Siyaasad

Sida Qarashka Argagaxisa-la-dirirka Soomaaliyi u Shidaaliyo Dhiillada

26 April, 2024
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Raadka burburkii uu ka tegay qaraxii Soobbe, Oct. 15, 2017 (Xuquuqda Sawirka: Mohamed Abdiwahab/Agence France-Presse via Getty Images)
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Maraykanku wuxuu sheegaa in ujeeddada uu Soomaaliya u joogaa ay tahay in uu soo afjaro al-Shabaab, nabaddana horumariyo. Warbixintani waxay diiwaangelinaysaa sida siyaasadaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku ay uga tegayaan eel lid ku ah raadkii loo dan lahaa, ee ay dabka khilaafka u sii hurinayaan.

 

Sookoobis

Maraykanku wuxuu sheegaa in ujeeddada uu Soomaaliya u joogaa ay tahay in uu soo afjaro al-Shabaab, nabaddana horumariyo. Xaashidani waxay diiwaangelinaysaa sida siyaasadaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku ay uga tegayaan eel lid ku ah raadkii loo dan lahaa, ee ay dabka khilaafka u sii hurinayaan. 

Qoraaga waxa xisaabin uga soo baxday in Maraykanku uu shaaciyay in  tan iyo 2007 uu kaalmada argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Soomaaliya geliyay lacag ka badan $2.5 bilyan. Xisaabtan waxa aan ku jirin qarashka ku baxa hawlgallada ciidanka iyo sirdoonka Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya, kaas oo aan la shaacin. Jaantuska 1aad ee hoose wuxuu soo koobayaa qarashka la shaaciyay.

 

Jaantuska 1: Wadarta qarashka la shaaciyay ee Maraykanku ku kaalmeeyay AMISOM iyo Ciidammada Soomaaliyeed (2007-2020) (lacagtu waa doolarka Maraykanka)

 


 

 

Xaashidani waxay ku doodaysaa in Maraykanku—isagoo raacaya labada marin ee qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka iyo tababbarka uu ciidanka Maraykanku siiyo unugyada Ciidanka Xoogga Soomaaliyeed—aanu gacan naf leh ka geysanayn xallinta khilaafka Soomaaliya, ee taa beddelkeeda uu udubdhexaad u noqday in khilaafka Soomaaliya uu sii socdo. Dooddan waxa saldhig u ah waraysiyo lala yeeshay saraakiil hore uga tirsanayd ciidanka Soomaaliya, madax dawladda Maraykanka ka tirsan, khubaro wax badan ka taqaan Soomaaliya oo hore Qarammada Midoobay (QM) uga shaqayn jirtay, hawlwadeenno Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka iminka ka tirsan, iyo lafagur lagu sameeyay diiwaanka laga hayo qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku ku bixiyo Soomaaliya.

Hannaanka ay maraan tababbarka ciidanka Maraykanka iyo kaalmadiisa Soomaaliya oo ah mid kor-ka-soo-dhis (top-down) ahi wuxuu u eexday xukuumadda dhexe ee maamulku ku urursan yahay ee Muqdisho fadhida, iyadoo siyaasadda—iyo dhibaatada—Soomaaliya ay debci ahaan tahay mid daadegsan oo waayaha ay ku fushaana uu yahay mid aad isu gedgeddiya. Hannaanka Maraykanku kolka uu taageerayo xukuumadda dhexe, wuxuu lamahuraan ka dhigayaa khilaaf qarxa, maaddaama oo weliba qaabdhismeedka kor-ka-soo-dhiska ahi uu lid ku yahay waayaha gudeed ee Soomaaliya ee is gedgeddiya, oo sida ay u badan tahay uu sii jiri doono xataa kolka uu Maraykanku ka faraxasho tababbarka ciidan ee rasmiga ah. Isla markaa, saamayska aan miisaannayn ee Maraykanku leeyahay wuxuu meesha ka saarayaa nidaamyada gun-ka-tolidda (bottom-up) ah ee xallinta khilaafyada iyo siyaasadda dibuheshiisiinta ee ka hanaqaaday qaybo ka mid ah gobolka (gaar ahaan Soomaalilaan).[2]

Baaxadda maalgelinta argagaxisa-la-dirirka—gaar ahaan maalgelinta Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debaddu ku bixiso Hawlgalka Midawga Afrika ee Soomaaliya (AMISOM) iyo Ciidanka Xoogga Soomaaliyeed iyo cutubyadiisa gaarka ah (khaas ahaan, Danab)—wuxuu eel xun kaga tegay xidhiidhadii caalamiga ahaa iyo kuwii mandiqadda ee Soomaaliya, iyadoo lacagta ay Dawladda Federaalku ka hesho cashuuruhu ay aad uga yar tahay qarashka la shaaciyay ee argagaxisa-la-dirirka ku baxa sannaddii, marka lagu xisaabtamo dhammaan sannadaha xogtoodu kaydsan tahay ee la isku hallayn karo. Intaa waxa dheer, maaddaama qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku ku bixiyo Soomaaliya debci ahaan aanu banyaal ahayn, waxa cid kasta—xataa haayadaha qaabbilsan korjoogtaynta hawlaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku ka wado Soomaaliya—ku adkaanaysa in ay fahanto oo u qiildaydo ficillada Maraykanka.

Kolka qodobbadaa laga duulo, waxa imanaysa su’aal ah: kaalmada argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku siiyo Soomaaliya ma qarash nabad-ilaalin galay baa mise waa mid dagaal-oogid galay. Xaashidani waxay u jidbixinaysaa in sida danbe xaalku yahay.


 

 

Sooyaal

Wixii ka danbeeyay Dagaalkii Qaboobaa, ku-lugyeelashada Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya wejiyo badan oo muhiim ah ayay yeelatay — waxa ugu xoogganaa horraantii 1990nadii, kolkii ay dawladdii Soomaaliyeed duntay.[3] Tusaale ahaan, “Hawlgalkii Reja-soo-celinta” ee 1992 wuxuu bilaw u noqday faragelinta Maraykanka ee dagaalka sokeeye ee Soomaaliya. In kasta oo ciidanka Maraykanku uu Soomaaliya iskaga baxay 1994,[4] haddana, Maraykanku wuxuu 1990nadii oo dhan sii wadey ku-lugyeelashadiisa Soomaaliya, isagoo tusaale ahaan raadguraya xubnihii al-Qaacida ee loo haystay qaraxyadii 1998 lagu weeraray Safaaradaha Maraykanka ee Nayroobi iyo Daarasalaam.[5] Waxa ka mid ah raadcadii jiitantay ee dabaguraysay Fasul Cabdalle Maxamed, oo marar dhawr ah oo hore loo maleeyay in lagu dilay hawlgallo uu Maraykanku ka fuliyay[6] Soomaaliya iyo meelo ka baxsan oo Geeska Afrika ah,[7] balse aakhirkii Soomaaliya lagu dhex dilay sannaddii 2011.

Wixii ka danbeeyay weerareadii 9/11, Soomaaliya waxay safka hore ka gashay ajandaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanka, faragelinaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka Maraykanka ee Soomaaliyana waxay sii joogtaysmeen wixii 2006 ka danbeeyay oo ay soo baxday kooxda al-Shabaab. Soo’ifbaxa al-Shabaab wuxuu sidoo kale horseeday in la unko Hawlgalka Midawga Afrika ee Soomaaliya (AMISOM), oo ah hawlgal nabad-ilaalineed oo QM ay ansixisay, ciidammadiisana ay ku yaboohaan dalal Midawga Afrika xubni ka ah, oo ay maalgeliyaan deeqbixiyayaal kala duwan oo Maraykanku ka mid yahay Midawga Yurubna ugu weyn yahay.[8]

Iyadoo 16 sannadood laga joogo soo’ifbixii al-Shabaab, kooxdu maanta keli ah ma aha mucaaridka ugu weyn ee Dawladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ee sidoo kale kor bay u socotaa.[9] Waxana maanta taagan faaqidaad ku baaqaysa in korriinka joogtada ah ee ku socda joogitaanka al-Shabaab ee Soomaaliya ay tahay in uu inagu qasbayo in aynu aad ugu fekerno in laga yaabo in Maraykanku uu ku shuqlan yahay wax dhaafsiisan in uu uga sii daro amnidarrada ka jirta Soomaaliya, oo uu carqalad taagan ku yahay xasilloonida iyo xallinta khilaafka Soomaaliya.[10] Haddii arrini sidaa tahay, waxa aan weli caddayn hababka Maraykanka ka saaciday in uu kaalintaa ku dhex yeesho Soomaaliya. Xaashidani se waxay ku doodaysaa in ay jiraan labo hab oo muhiimad dheeraad ah u leh in arrinta la sii fahmo — tababbarka ciidanka Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya iyo maalgelinta argagaxisa-la-dirirka Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya.

Qodobbo badan oo Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda ee Maraykanku ay ku sababayso qarashka iyo qoondada miisaaniyadeed ee Maraykanku ugu talagalay Soomaaliya ayaa dhigaya in hadafyada siyaasadda Maraykanku ka leedahay Soomaaliya ay yihiin: “dabarjaridda halista argagaxiso ee Soomaaliya ka jirta; kahortegista in ay ka dhigato saldhig argagaxiso; iyo katakhallusidda caqabadaha dawladnimo ee argagaxisadu ay ka faa’idaysato, iyadoo la taageerayo abuuridda dawlad dhexe oo hawlgal ah oo Soomaaliya yeelato.... In aanay Soomaaliya ka jirin dibuheshiisiin heer gobol iyo mid qaranba ahi waxay wiiqaysaa awoodda ay madaxda Soomaaliyeed u yeelan lahayd wax-ka-qabashada masalada argagaxisada ama ay si wax-ku-ool ah u kobcin lahayd horumarka gobolka. Kolkaa, Maraykanku wuxuu sii taageerayaa dedaallada loogu jiro dibuheshiisiinta Soomaaliyeed.”[11] Kolka ay sidaa tahay, Maraykanku wuxuu isu arkaa in uu debadda ka yahay arrinta Soomaaliya oo kaalintiisu ku kooban tahay in uu Soomaaliya ka gacansiiyo ugu yaraan saddex dhinac: 1) jebibta kooxaha argagaxiso ee Soomaaliya ka dhex jira, sida al-Shabaab, 2) katakhallusidda eelka tooska ah ee argagaxisadu ka tagto, iyo 3) dib-u-yagleelka jewi gudeed oo saamaxa dibuheshiisiin nabdoon iyo horumar Soomaaliya ka hirgala.

Hasayeeshee, iska daa in hadafyadaa la xaqiijiyo e, Soomaaliya waxa sannaddii 2016 ka dillaacday koox cusub oo sheeganaysa in ay taabacsan tahay Dawladda Islaamka ee Daacish. Kooxdani waxay ka hawlgashay Buntlaan oo waqooyi-bari Soomaaliya ah, oo ahaa aag kolkii hore ay al-Shabaabtu si kooban u joogtay, waxayna waqti yar la wareegtay degmada Qandala.[12] Intaa waxa dheer, al-Shabaab lafteeda khatarteedu weli waa mid dhab u jirta — 20kiiOgos, 2022, ugu yaraan 21 ayay al-Shabaab ku dishay huteel caasimadda Soomaaliyeed ee Muqdisho ku yaalla oo ay muddo 30 saacadood ah gudaha ugu jirtay.[13] Sannaddii 2019 oo keli ah, waxa gudaha Soomaaliya laga diiwaangeliyay 4 618 kiis oo dhimasho ah oo al-Shabaab iyo kadeedkeeda siyaasadeed ay ku lug lahaayeen. Ugu yaraan 584 ka mid ah dadkaa la laayay waxay ahaayeen rayid.[14]

Waxaad u timaaddaa masalada dibuheshiisiinta siyaasadeed. Bishii Abriil 2021, ciidammo daacad u ah madaxweynihii xilligaa, Maxamed Cabdullaahi Maxamed “Farmaajo,” ayay rasaas is weydaarsadeen taageeraal taabacsan musharrixiintii mucaaridka. Maalmo dhan ayay arrintani ka socotay jidadka Muqdisho, waxayna gaadhsiisay heer laga baqo in dagaalkii sokeeye soo laabto.[15] Dhacdadaasi waxay tusaale u noqotay xiisadda daran ee Soomaaliya ay gashay ugu yaraan labadii sannadood ee ka horreeyay doorashadii xilligaa soo dhawayd. Waxana laga dhadhansanayay, in kasta oo Maraykanku ku dacwiyo in uu jeeddooyinkaa ka leeyahay Soomaaliya, in xasilloonida iyo dibuheshiisiinta siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya sida lagu gaadhayaa ay dheer oo dhib leh tahay.

Aad bay suuragalnimada uga fog tahay in natiijada ka dhalanaysa hawlgallada tababbarka Maraykanka iyo qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee uu Soomaaliya ku bixiyo ee isla jidkii hore uun haystaa ay noqoto wax aan ka ahayn in ay khilaafka iyo degganaan-la’aanta ku sii kordhiso Soomaaliya. Ku-lugyeelashada Maraykanka ee kaalmada tababbarka ciidanka, oo lagu xaddido tababbarka uu Maraykanku siiyo cutubyada gaarka ah ee Ciidanka Xoogga Soomaaliyeed, sida Danab, waxay xoojinaysaa hannaanka kor-ka-soo-dhiska ee dawladda dhexe ku urursan ee ammaanka, kaas oo ah mid uu khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya ku koro oo ku kaalingalo.

Weliba, qarashka Maraykanku uu ku bixiyo Soomaaliya wuxuu kaalin laxaad leh ka ciyaaraa sida uu u qaabaysmo khilaafka ka jira Soomaaliya iyo Geeska Afrika ee kalaba. Tan iyo 2007, sida xaashidan u soo baxday,[16] Maraykanku wuxuu hawlaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Soomaaliya geliyay lacag kor u dhaafaysa $2.5 bilyan. Lacagtaas ka ma mid aha qaybo badan oo hawlgallada Maraykanka ahi, oo ay ku jiraan qarashka ay xukuumadda Maraukanku ku bixiso Soomaaliya ee mara haayadaha sirdoonka, Xoogagga Hawlgallada Gaarka ah, ama dabcan hawlgallada ciidan ee gaarka ah ee Maraykanku uu ka fuliyo Soomaaliya; waxaas oo dhan sababta loogu soo dari waayay waa in Maraykanku uu ka maagay in uu shaaciyo qarashka kaga baxa.[17]


 

 

Sumadda Khilaafka Dhismeed: Tababbarka Argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku Siiyo Soomaaliya

Hawgallada ciidanka Maraykanka iyo sidoo kale kaalmada tababbarka ciidanka ee uu siiyo cutubyada gaarka ah ee Ciidanka Xoogga Soomaaliyeed (CXS), waxay kaalin laxaad leh ka ciyaaraan khilaafka Soomaaliya. Kolka laga yimaaddo tababbarka uu Maraykanku siiyo CXS, wuxuu sidoo kale duqaymaha diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn ka fuliyaa gudaha Soomaaliya—bilmetel, 17dii Ogos, 2022, wuxuu duqaymahaa ku dilay 13 xubnood oo lagu tuhunsanaa in ay al-Shabaab yihiin.[18] Ciidammada Maraykanka ee deggan Soomaaliya waxay sidoo kale dagaal dhulka ah, oo labada dhanba uu khasaare ka soo gaadhay, isku arkeen al-Shabaab.[19]

Sida laga helay il-xogeed magaceeda la qariyay oo ka hawlgasha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, maaddaama Maraykanku aanu soo gudbin qarashka maaliyadeed ee ka gala hawlgallada ciidan ee tooska ah ee Soomaaliya, oo uu ku jiro qarashka daryeelka ee ciidammada Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya jooga, taasi waxay carqalad ku tahay in la xisaabiyo wadarta dhabta ah ee qarashka Maraykanka ka gala joogistiisa Soomaaliya. Sidoo kale, hawlaha ciidan ee Maraykanku uu fuliyo, sida duqaymaha diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn, waxay ka hor imanayaan sheegashada ah in faragelinta Maraykanku ay tahay “kaalmo” ay faa’ido ugu jirto Soomaaliya, siiba kolka ay meesha ku jirto faa’ido gaar ah oo Maraykanku uu ku qabo natiijada duqaymahaas ay geystaan diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayni.

Maraykanku kaalmada tababbarka ciidan ee uu siiyo cutubyada gaarka ah ee CXS wuxuu si toos ah u dhexgeliyaa hadafyada siyaasadeed ee uu sheegto in uu ka leeyahay in Soomaaliya laga xaqiijiyo amni midhadhal ah. Sida ay dhigayso warbixinta hantidhawrka dawladda Maraykanka ee hawlgallada argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee debadaha, oo uu sameeyay Hantidhawraha Guud ee Maraykanka, yoolka uu Maraykanku ka leeyahay taageerada tababbarka iyo argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee uu siiyo Soomaaliya waa “in kor loo qaado xasilloonida iyo ammaanka, maamul-wanaagga, iyo koboca dhaqaale ee Soomaaliya iyo dalalka deriska la ah.”[20]

Arrintan waxa lala xidhiidhin karaa sababta go’aankii uu bishii Diseenbar 2020 madaxweynihii Maraykanka ee xilligaasi, Donald Trump, ku amray in la soo celiyo ciidammada Maraykanka ee argagaxisa-la-dirirka u joogay Soomaaliya (oo wadar ahaan 700 ahaa),[21] ay ganafka ugu dhufteen saraakiisha sarsare ee ciidammada Taliska Ciidanka Maraykanka ee Afrika (AFRICOM).[22] Ciidankaa badankiisa waxa lagu wareejiyay Kiiniya iyo Jabbuuti, halkaas baanay ka sii wateen hawlahoodii ahaa argagaxisa-la-dirirka khuseeya Soomaaliya, sida uu sheegay Taliyihii Taliska AFRICOM, Janaraal Stephen Townsend.[23] Bishii Meey 2022 ayuu Maamulka Biden ku dhawaaqay in Maraykanku Soomaaliya ku celinayo unug kooban oo ciidanka Maraykanka ee rasmiga ah ka tirsan oo dib u bilaaba tababbar joogto ah.[24]

Walow uu Maraykanku Soomaaliya joogay ama ka aga dhawaa muddo 15 sannadood ku dhow, oo uu tababbar argagaxisa-la-dirirka ah siinayay ciidammada Soomaaliyeed, haddana baadhistii hantidhawrka ee 2020 uu Hantidhawraha Guud ku sameeyay hawlaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya waxa ka soo baxday in Maraykanku ku guuldarraystay in uu ka hortago khatarta argagaxisada ee Soomaaliya ka jirta, iyo in ciidammada Soomaaliyeed weli ka arradan yihiin “karti hawlgelineed iyo tu haayadeedba.”[25] Hasayeeshee, gaabiskan hawlgelineed waxa laga dheehan karo iyo kaalinta dhabta ah ee tababbarka uu ciidanka Maraykanku siiyo ciidammada Soomaaliyeed uu ku leeyahay kartidarradani waxay u baahan fahan dheeraad ah.

Caddayn waafi ah ayaa loo helayaa in cutubyada gaarka ah ee Ciidanka Xoogga Soomaaliyeed ee Maraykanku uu tababbaro—gaar ahaan Danab, Ciidammada Ammaanka ee Buntlaan (PSF), Waran, iyo Gaashaan—ay si joogto ah ugu dan-fushadaan siyaasiyiinta Soomaaliyeed iyo Dawladda Federaalka Soomaaliya. Sida laga helay waraysi lala yeeshay abbaanduule  ciidanka Soomaaliyeed ka tirsanaan jiray, cutubyada gaarka ah ee ka tirsan CXS waxa loo ekaysiiyay Raanjariska Maraykanka (U.S. Light Ranger Regiments) ee sida khaaska ah loogu talagalay hawlgallada ciidan ee argagaxisada bartilmaameedsada.[26] Maaddaama hawlaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka Maraykanku ay ku fooggan yihiin Soomaaliya, tababbaridda cutubyadan waxa fuliya Xoogagga Gaarka ah ee Maraykanka, kuwaas oo dawladda Maraykanku aanay shaacin qarashka ku baxa. Ugu yaraan tan iyo 2010, tababbarradu waxay ka dhacayeen saldhigyada la og yahay in uu Maraykanku ku leeyahay Soomaaliya ee Muqdisho iyo Ballidoogle,[27] iyo sidoo kale saldhigyo qarsoodi ah sida ka hadda ku yaalla Kismaayo.[28]

Ciidammadaa uu Maraykanku gaarka u tababbaray waxa marar badan, iyadoo la khilaafayo ujeeddadii argagaxisa-la-dirirnimo ee loo unkay, loo adeegsadaa dano “sharci-fulineed” oo arrimaha gudaha ah—tusaale ahaan, waxa laga dhigtaa ilaalada gaarka ah ee siyaasiyiinta ama waxa boolis looga dhigaa meelaha jidadku ka xidhan yihiin.[29] Mararka ay ugu daran tahayna, waxaba loo adeegsadaa in lagu weeraro oo amarro lagu fuliyo cido aan argagaxiso ahayn, sida siyaasiyiin mucaarid ah.[30]

Maraykanku kolkii uu ku baraarugay dhaqanxumadan, wuxuu iminka isku koobay tababbaridda ciidanka Danab,[31]laakiin cutubyada CXS ee Taliska AFRICOM uu u arko in uu ka eed la’ yahay—sida kuwa PSF—meelna may tegin. Ciidammada PSF ee uu Maraykanku tababbaray waxay weli qayb ka yihiin qodobbada huriya khilaafka. Tusaale ahaan, bishii Diseenbar 2021, PSF waxay ku kala qaybsantay arrimo siyaasadeed, taas oo horseedday in labada garab ee PSF uu dagaal qadhaadhi ku dhex maro magaalada muhiimka ah ee Boosaaso.[32] Unugyada CXS ee Muqdisho degganina waxay bishii Abriil 2021 ku kala qaybsameen sababo qabiil oo waxay kala raaceen Madaxweyne Farmaajo iyo musharrixiintii mucaaridka,[33] arrintaas oo dad badan gelisay cabsi ay ka qabaan in dagaal sokeeye uu qarxo.

Masalada PSF waxay marada ka feydday in tababbarka ciidanka Maraykanku uu siiyo xoogagga ammaanka ee Soomaaliya iyo cutubyada AMISOM ay ka tegayaan eel ka danbayn doona muddada ay soconayso taageerada ama joogista Maraykanku.[34] Dabcan, Maraykanku wuxuu tan iyo weerarradii 9/11 ahaa tan ugu weyn quwadaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka u jooga Soomaaliya, si kasta oo ay beryahan danbe ugu soo biireen quwado kale oo shisheeye oo Turkiga iyo Qadar ay ka mid yihiin. Xilligii Maamulka Obamana wuxuuba Maraykanku ahaa “cidda keliya ee Soomaaliya argagaxisa-la-dirir ku mashquulsan.”[35] Turkiga iyo Qadar waxay hadda tababbar siiyaan cutubyo ka mid ah CSX, sida Waran, iyo Gaashaan, oo uu Maraykanku iska daayay tababbariddooda. Sidaas oo ay tahay, iyaga qudhoodu waxay raacayaan jidkii xidhxidhnaa ee “ciidammo khaas ah” soo saarayay ee Maraykanku uu u baalalleeyay argagaxisa-la-dirirka Soomaaliya.[36]

Hannaankan kor-ka-soo-dhiska ah ee Maraykanku wuxuu sidoo kale qiil u noqday in, bilmetel, ay indhaha caalamku isku koobaan al-Shabaab, oo iska indhatiraan weji kasta oo kale oo ka mid ah muuqaalka guud ee ammaanka Soomaaliya—gaar ahaan, kooxaha ka baxsan siyaasadda dawladda dhexe ee beelaha degaankooda la leh xidhiidhka qotada dheer, sida Ahlu Sunna wal Jamaaca (ASWJ).[37] ASWJ waa koox Suufiyo ah oo hubaysan oo awood ku dhex leh maamullada Galmudug iyo Hir-Shabeelle ee badhtamaha Soomaaliya, oo dagaal ay kaga adkaadeen la galay al-Shabaab. Kooxdani in kastoo ay degaanka ka alkumantay, al-Shabaabna ay waddo marisay, haddana wax garawshiyo ah ka ma ay helin dawladihii dhexe iyo kuwii goboleeddada ee Soomaaliya isaga danbeeyay.[38] Dedaallo isdabajoog ahaa oo lagu rabey in kooxaha ASWJ ay ka mid tahay lagu qarameeyo waxa baajiyay garawshiya-la’aan lagu wajahay haybta iyo waayaha is gedgeddiya ee heer degaan. Laga yaabee in mustaqbalka la helo nidaam ku isirran waaqica Soomaalida oo garta in uu baadigoobo in ay wadashaqayn yeeshaan, aakhirkana ay midoobaan, xoogagga caynkaas ah, isagoo ka faa’idaysanaya xidhiidhada ay la leeyihiin iyo aqoonta ay u leeyihiin beelahooda.

Qaabdhismeedka ammaanka iyo siyaasadda Soomaaliya waxa si weyn u jaangooya waayaha heer degaan ee is gedgeddiya, taas oo ka dhigan in dawladda dhexe aanay raad la sheegi karo ku lahayn wixii ka baxsan caasimadda, Muqdisho. Hiilada iyo haybta qabiilnimadu waxay Soomaalida badankeeda ugu jiraan meel sare, abaabulka qabiillada iyo iskuxidhnaantooduna waa xaqiiqo aan indhaha laga lalin karin oo siyaasadda Soomaalida ka jirta.[39]

In kasta oo dawladda Maraykanku ay waayadan danbe isku deyaysay in ay xakamayso qarashka ay gelinayso Ciidanka Xoogga Soomaaliyeed oo ay si adag uga baaraandegto uguna meedaaldaydo taageerada ay siiso Danab,[40] haddana qaabdhismeedka hawlgallada tababbarka ciidanku wuxuu mushkilad ku dhigay in uu u eexanayo xukuumadda dhexe ee heer federaal iyo heer maamul-goboleedba, oo uu ka lug-danbeedinayo kooxaha maxalliga ah. Tani waxay ka dhigan tahay in aanu jirin ama aanu wax-ka-sooqaad lahayn qarashka la geliyo heer degaan.[41] Waana isla sababta “aanu shacabka Soomaaliyeed niyad iyo taageero hagaagsan ugu haynin ciidammada Maraykanka... Muqdisho iyo Buntlaanba,”[42] sida uu qabo Maxamed Xaaji Ingiriis oo khabiir ku ah bulshada iyo ammaanka Soomaalida. Arrinta dhabbaha u xaadhi karta nabad iyo amni waara oo dhab ahi waa in la raaco hannaan la qodaxtiray oo xisaabta ku darsanaya amniga heer degaan iyo walaaca dadka degaanku ka qabaan askarta federaalka (ee laga yaabo in ay kala qabiil yihiin degmada ay ka hawlgelayaan), oo lagu daray in geeddiga siyaasadeed ay dadka degaanku gadhwadeen u noqdaan. 

Sidoo kale, hannaanka kor-ka-soo-dhiska ee dawladda Maraykanku u marto argagaxisa-la-dirirnimadu wuxuu iminka ku milmay damaca iyo hadafyada siyaasadeed ee camiillada siyaasadeed ee sarsare ee Soomaaliya ka hawlgala, ee ay u fududdahay in ay maal ka helaan Maraykanka iyo in ay gacanta ku dhigaan xoogagga uu Maraykanku tababbaro.[43]Hannaanka dawladda dhexe u eexanaya ee ciidanka Maraykanku adeegsadaa wuxuu siyaasiyiinta sarsare ee Dawladda Federaalka Soomaaliya u sahlayaa in ay awoodda iyagu isku ururiyaan, taas oo ka horjeedda siyaasadda gun-ka-tolidda ah ee loo dhan yahay, ee lagu higsanayo in amniga Soomaaliya la xasilliyo iyadoo loo danaynayo guud ahaan dadweynaha.[44]

Hannaanka gun-ka-tolidda waxa tusaale guulaystay u ah geeddisocodkii nabadaynta Soomaalilaan, oo ku timi shirar nabadayn ahaa oo sannado badan socdey, dadka degaanku maalgashaday, oo degmo iyo gobolba lagu qabtay Soomaalilaan oo dhan. Tan iyo 1991, xasilloonida ay Soomaalilaan haysataa aad bay uga soocnayd gobolka intiisa kale.[45] In dawladda dhexe ay ammaanka gacanta ku dhigtaa waxay Soomaalilaan ku qaadatay sannado badan, waxana lagu dhaliyay hannaan tartiib-tartiib ah oo lagu dhisayay kalsoonida shacabka, iyadoo la barbarwado geeddisocod nabadeed iyo siyaasadeed oo marba ay wax u kordhayeen. Taa beddelkeeda se, hannaanka dawladda iyo ka caalamku u adeegsado Soomaaliya wuxuu ahaa in xuddunta oo ciidammadeedu ku jiraan la xoojiyo, iyadoo la naawilayo in shacabkuna u hoggaansami doono. Laakiin hannaanka Soomaalilaan wuxuu u muuqdaa in uu guulaysanayay soddonkii sannadood ee u danbeeyay.

Kolkaa, ficillada ciidanka Maraykanku waxay kaalin laxaad leh ka qaateen khilaafka dabadheeraaday ee Soomaaliya iyo xisaabaha khilaafkaasi ku fadhiyo, gaar ahaan khilaafyada gala heerarka sarsare ee siyaasadda iyo mujtamaca Soomaaliyeed. Tani waxay ka dhigan tahay xataa haddii ay ciidammada Maraykanku ka baxaan Soomaaliya, waxa Soomaaliya ay dhaxlaysaa nidaamka ay abuureen hawlgallada Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya, oo kaas baa qeexi doona hannaanka kor-ka-soo-dhiska ah ee xuddunta ku urursan, waayaha ciidanka, cidda daacadda loo noqonayo, iyo khilaafyada ka jiraya gudaha iyo hareeraha Soomaaliya.

 

Dabagalka Qarashka Argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku Geliyo Soomaaliya

La ma garan karo, siday u eg tahayna la ma dabageli karo, qarashka dhabta ah ee Maraykanku geliyay hawlaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee uu Soomaaliya ka wado. Sida uu qabo hawlwadeen ka tirsan Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka oo muddo dheer danaynayay mandiqadda Geeska Afrika, xataa saraakiisha dawladda Maraykanka qudhooda ayaan garanayn xaddiga guud ee uu yahay qarashka uu Maraykanku geliyay ama iminkaba geliyo hawlaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee uu Soomaaliya ka wado, sida keli ah ee lagu ogaan karaana waa ‘in Golaha Wakiilladu uu xeer ka soo saaro.’[46]Hawlwadeenkaa Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanku wuxuu hoosta ka xarriiqay in arrintani Maraykanka laftiisa dan u tahay, maxaa yeelay “kolka aynaan garanayn qarashka ay inoogu fadhido [in Soomaaliya aynu sii joogno], waxba ka ma beddeli karno. Waxaynu u haysanaynaa in ay raqiis tahay. Mana muuqanayso [baahi loo qabo] ... in laga fekero meel kale oo lacagtaa loo leexiyo.”[47]

Maalgelinta argagaxisa-la-dirirka Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya waxay xilligan inta badan soo martaa Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda iyo ta Gaashaandhigga ee Maraykanka. In Maraykanku maalgelin siiyo waxa sahlay kolkii 2007 la asaasay Hawlgalka AMISOM. Qarammada Midoobay iyo Midawga Yurub ayaa AMISOM awood u siiyay in ay noqoto hawlgal nabad-ilaalin iyo nabad-xoojin ah, oo isu keenaya cutubyo ciidammo ah oo ka kala imanaya dhawr ka mid ah Dalalka Ciidammada ku Deeqaya ee Afrika, oo Yugaandha u badanaya.[48] AMISOM waxa loo xilsaaray in ay ilaaliso Dawladda Federaalka Soomaaliya, iyo in ay ciidammada Soomaaliyeed ka caawiso sidii ay geyiga Soomaaliya gacanta ugu wada dhigi lahaayeen. Sannaddii 2022 ayaa AMISOM magaceedii loo beddelay Hawlgalka Kumeelgaadhka ah ee Midawga Afrika ee Soomaaliya (ATMIS).[49]

Hannaanka Xisaabinta Qarashka: Tirada $2.5 bilyan ahi waxay koobsanaysaa qarashka lagu suntay in uu yahay qarashka Nabad-ilaalinta ee Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda Maraykanku bixiso, oo ay soo hoosgelayso kaalmada uu Maraykanku siiyo AMISOM iyo kaalmada amni ee uu siiyo ciidammada Soomaaliyeed, iyo sidoo kale qarashka ku dhisan Qaybta 333 ee “Tababbaridda iyo Qalabaynta” ee Wasaaradda Gaashaandhigga. Qarashka Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debaddu geliso Soomaaliya waa $2.4 bilyan iyo xoogay, ka Wasaaradda Gaashaandhigguna waa wax ka badan $30 milyan. Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debaddu waxay qarashka ku bixisaa maalgelinta isku lammaan ee kaalmada amniga ee la siiyo AMISOM iyo ciidammada Soomaaliyeedba (oo ay ku jirto taageerada la siiyo Danab); Wasaaradda Gaashaandhigguna waxay barnaamishkeeda “Tababbaridda iyo Qalabayntu” ku maalgelisaa Ciidanka Xoogga Soomaaliyeed. Lacagtaa $2.5 bilyan waxa aan ku jirin qarashka uu hadda iyo horaba Maraykanku ku bixiyay Soomaaliya ee khuseeya sirdoonka, duqaymaha diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn, daryeelka Xoogagga Gaarka ah ee Maraykanka iyo militarigiisa, iyo hawlgallada Ciidanka Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya, oo xogtooda aan dadweynaha loo shaacin. Qiyaasta sannadlaha ah ee qarashka waxa lagu taxay Lifaaqa A oo muujinaya wadarta qarashka wasaaradaha Arrimaha Debadda iyo Gaashaandhigga. Warbixin waafi ah oo intaa ka faahfaahsan oo qarashka Maraykanku bixiyo ah si furan loo ma helayo.

Sidoo kale waxa xusid mudan in dawladda Maraykanku ay degelkeeda Foreign Assistance.gov ku faafiso qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee wasaaradaha Arrimaha Debadda iyo Gaashaandhigga ee ay ku bixiyaan Soomaaliya, haddana tirooyinkaa ay shaacisaa inta badan waa kuwo ka yar mararka qaarna ay is burinayaan tirooyinka ku yaalla warbixinaha miisaaniyadda ee Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanku uu ka sameeyo qarashka dhabta ah ee argagaxisa-la-dirirnimada ee Soomaaliya la siinayay dhawr sannad-maaliyadeed. Tusaale ahaan, degelka Foreign Assistance.gov ee Dawladda Maraykanku wuxuu ku warbixinayaa in qarashkii nabad-ilaalinta ee Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debaddu bixisay sannaddii 2013 uu  $215 717 000 ahaa,[50] laakiin warbixinta Miisaaniyadda Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanku waxay dhigaysaa in qarashkaasi ahaa $228 867 000.[51] Sidaa darteed, xaashidani waxay dhanka xisaabaha ka xiganaysaa Warbixinaha Golaha Wakiillada. In tirooyinka ku jira warbixinaha miisaaniyadda ee Golaha Wakiillada si fudud la isugu dumaa dhayal ma aha, oo dal kasta tirooyinkiisa waxay u kala jejebinayaan “xisaabo” faro badan. Xataa saraakiisha qaabbilsan korjoogtaynta tirooyinkani waxay ku warbixiyaan in ay dhib ka mutaan fahmidda sharraxaadda iyo qarashka dawladda Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya ku aaddan.[52]  

Isdiiddada ku jirta warbixinaha qarashka, iyo sidoo kale helitaan-la’aanta warbixinaha dhabta ah ee miisaaniyadda ee Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanku waxay ka mid yihiin sababaha keenaya in ay liidato banyaalnimada ku hareeraysan hawsha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku ka hayo Soomaaliya. 

Dhanka kale, tirooyinka xaashidani adeegsanayso ee ku aaddan qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Wasaaradda Gaashaandhiggu ay ku bixiso Soomaaliya waxa gebi ahaanba laga soo dheegtay degelka Foreign Assistance.gov, maaddaama halkaas oo keli ah laga helayo tirooyin dadweynaha u furan. Waxa xusid mudan in tan iyo 2007 qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Wasaaradda Gaashaandhiggu ku bixiso Soomaaliya la shaaciyay keli ah lix sannadood oo muddadaas ka mid ah. Tirooyinka xaashidan lagu soo ururiyay ka wada fiiri Jaantuska 2aad.

 

 


Jaantuska 2: Kaalmada diiwaangashan ee Maraykanku siiyay AMISOM iyo Ciidammada Soomaaliyeed (2007-2020) (lacagtu waa doolarka Maraykanka)[53]

 

 

Qarashka Nabad-ilaalinta ee Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda Maraykanka

In ay liidato banyaalnimada ku hareeraysan qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya waxa uga sii daraysa xaqiiqada ah in badi qarashka Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda loo diiwaangeliyo in uu yahay qarash lagu bixiyay “hawlgallo nabad-ilaalin ah.“ Dabcan, qarashka ay Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debaddu ku kabto hawlgallada “nabad-ilaalinta” ee AMISOM uun baa sidaa la xisaabin karaa. Hasayeeshee, sida uu u maragfuray waraysi lala yeeshay il-xogeed ka tirsan Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka oo awood u leh in ay hesho xogta maalgelinta aan kaydka guud la gelin ee Maraykanku ku bixiyo hawlaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Soomaaliya, qarashka Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda ee Hawlgallada Nabad-ilaalintu ku ma koobna qarashka kaalmada nabad-ilaalinta iyo nabad-xoojinta loo siiyo AMISOM. Waxa sidoo kale ku jirta kaalmada tooska ah ee amniga ee la siiyo Ciidanka Xoogga Soomaaliyeed iyo cutubyadiisa gaarka ah.[54] Sida laga helay il-xogeeddan Golaha Wakiillada ka tirsan, qarashka tooska ah ee kaalmada amniga ah ee la siiyo CXS, ee ay ku jirto taageerada maaliyadeed ee la siiyo ciidanka gaarka ah ee Danab, wadar ahaan wuxuu ka badan yahay $0.5 bilyan.[55] Tiradani waxay ka mid tahay lacagtii $2.5 bilyan ahayd ee kaalmada argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanka ee halkan lagu soo gudbiyay.

Ciidanka Xoogga Soomaaliyeed (CXS) ma aha ciidan nabad-ilaalin u jooga. Sida xaqiiqadu tahayna, CXS iyo xukuumadda Qaranka Soomaaliyeedba waxay dagaal kula jiraan al-Shabaab.[56] In qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirnimo ee Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda Maraykanku ay ku bixiso Soomaaliya lagu sheego qarash “nabad-ilaalin ku baxaya” waxa ka dhalanaysa dhibaato fadeexad ah oo banyaalnimada gaadhaysa, sida ay qabaan saraakiisha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka ee korjoogteeya qarashka dawladda Maraykanku ku bixiso Soomaaliya, oo uu ku jira qarashka gala ciidanka Danab.[57]

Dhanka kale, AMISOM markeedii hore waxa loo igmaday hawlgal nabad-ilaalin ah oo noocii la arki jiray ah oo ku aaddan in ay kormeerto isla markaana xoojiso nabad ka dhex hanaqaadda dagaaloogayaasha iyo kooxaha hubaysan ee isku hor fadhiyay Soomaaliya. Hasayeeshee tan iyo markii QM ay awooddaa siisayba, AMISOM waxay ku dhex hawlgelaysay xaalad dagaal, oo maamullada Soomaalida ayay ka gacansiinaysay in ay u dagaallamaan oo xoreeyaan dhulalka ay al-Shabaab haysato. Dagaalladii qadhaadhaa ee Soomaaliyada Koonfureed ka dhacayay tan iyo 2007, inta badan, waxa horkacayay askarta AMISOM.[58] Arrintaasina nabad-ilaalintii la arki jiray ma aha.[59]

Korukac baa ku imanayay qarashka loo qoondeeyo maalgelinta Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda Maraykanka ee hawlgallada nabad-ilaalinta ee Soomaaliya. Qarashka nabad-ilaalinta ee Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debaddu geliso Soomaaliyana wuxuu badi dhawrkii sannad-miisaaniyadeed ee ka danbeeyay 2007 safka hore kaga jiray Kaalmada Rasmiga ah ee Horumarka Caalamiga ahi qaadhaanka ay u jarto Soomaaliya.[60]

Intii u dhexaysay 2007 iyo 2005, qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku geliso Soomaaliya wuu afarjibbaarmay. Intii u dhexaysay 2015 iyo 2018, qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda Maraykanku bixisaana waxa celcelis ahaan aanu dhanna u dhaafayn $250 milyan, isagoo intii ugu badnayd gaadhay 2016 oo Soomaaliya ay doorasho ka taagnayd,[61] oo gaadhay $273 milyan. Intii u dhexaysay 2019 ilaa 2022, qarashkaasi wuxuu hoos ugu dhacay $208 milyan. Waa kolkii uu sidaa u bilaabmayay murankii doorashada ee hadheeyay dhammaadkii muddaxileedda xukuumaddii Farmaajo.[62] Laakiin qoondada xilligan ee sannadda 2022 waa $233 milyan.[63]

 


 

Qarashka Kaalmada “Tababbaridda iyo Qalabaynta” ee Wasaaradda Gaashaandhigga

Kaalmada ku dhisan Qaybta 333 ee “Tababbaridda iyo Qalabaynta”[64] ee Wasaaradda Gaashaandhigga ayaa sidoo kale qaabbilsanayd maalgelinta argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Soomaaliya. Waxa xusid mudan in tirada rasmiga ah ee Wasaaradda Gaashaandhiggu shaacisay ay tahay $33.6 milyan (fiiri Jaantuska 1aad), laakiin haddana ila-xogeedyada Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka ee la waraystay waxay sheegeen in qarashka Qodobka 333 ee Tababbaridda iyo Qalabaynta ee Wasaaradda Gaashaandhiggu uu tan iyo 2015 ahaa wax ku dhow $200 milyan.[65]

Sida ay sheegeen saraakiil Maraykan ah oo ka hawlgala korjoogtaynta Golaha Wakiillada ee qarashka kaalmada debadda ee Soomaaliya la geliyo, qarashka Wasaaradda Gaashaandhigga ee $33.6 milyan ah waxa lagu bixiyaa waxyaabo ay ka mid yihiin saanadda ciidanka, sida lix Gaadhiyada Gaashaaman ah, shidaal, iyo kabo dhawaan lagu wareejiyay ciidammada Xoogga Dalka iyo Danab.[66] Qarashkan waxa sidoo kale soo hoosgelaya diyaarado nooca qummaatiga u kaca ah oo AMISOM leedahay oo loo iibiyay dalal ay ka mid yihiin Kiiniya iyo Yugaandha, hadhow kolka hawlgallada AMISOM dhammaadaanna ay la wareegi doonaan Dalalkii Ciidammada ku Deeqay ee AMISOM.[67] Hasayeeshee, qarashkan ka ma mid aha waxa ku baxaya ciidammada gaarka ah ee Maraykanka ee gacanta ku haya tababbarka, mararka qaarna weheliya ciidammada Soomaaliyeed, sida Danab.[68] Sidoo kale waxa aan qarashkan ka mid ahayn, tusaale ahaan, wax kasta oo Maraykanka iyo haayadihiisa sirdoonka kaga baxay Soomaaliya intii 2007 ka horraysay.[69]

Sida horaba loo xusay, tirooyinka qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku ku bixiyo Soomaaliya ee xaashidan lagu soo gudbiyay wax kastaa ku ma jiraan. Ku ma jiro qarashka ku baxa hawlgallada madaxa bannaan ee ciidanka Maraykanku ka fuliyo Soomaaliya. Sidoo kale, ka ma mid aha qarashka ku baxa daryeelka ciidammada Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya ku sugan. Sababtuna waa in xukuumadda Maraykanku ka dhego adaygtay in ay xogtaa siiso cidnaba, oo xataa aanay ogayn hawlwadeennada Golaha Wakiilladu.[70] Sida ay sheegtay il-xogeed ka tirsan Golaha Wakiilladu, xataa Xafiiska Hantidhawraha Guud ayaan garanayn xaddiga uu Maraykanku ku bixiyo joogista ciidammadiisa ee Soomaaliya.[71]

Hannaankan aan banyaalka ahayn ee la mariyo qarashka iyo qoondada maaliyadeed ee Maraykanka[72] ee ku baxa hawlaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Soomaaliya waxa sii mashaqeeya cidaha kale ee Maraykanku qandaraasyada sii siiyo. Tusaale ahaan, wasaaradaha Arrimaha Debadda iyo Gaashaandhigga ee Maraykanku waxay qandaraasyo ku siiyaan cido ay ka mid yihiin Bancroft Global Development iyo Pacific Architects & Engineers (PAF),[73] in ay layli asaasi ah sii siiyaan ciidammada Danab inta aanay u gudbin tababbarka Wasaaradda Gaashaandhigga.[74] Hasayeeshee, sida uu qabo cilmibaadhe Maraykan ah oo khibraddiisu sarrayso oo Soomaaliya ku fooggan, in la fahmo ama loo dhabbagalo lacagta gasha Soomaaliya waa mid aan dhayal ku suuragalayn, gaar ahaan maaddaama ay bateen cidaha qandaraasyada sida dadban uga qaata qarashka Maraykanku ugu talagalay Soomaaliya.[75]

Tani waxay ka dhigan tahay in walow uu Maraykanku sheegto in aanu bixin mushaharrada ciidammada Soomaaliyeed, haddana ilaa beryo dhawaa uu Maraykanku cidahaa qandaraasyada ka sii qaata u dhex marayay in ay gunno siiyaan tiro badan oo unugyada Ciidammada Xoogga Soomaaliyeed ka tirsan.[76] Arrintan waxa u maragfuray waraysi lala yeeshay khabiir hore uga tirsanaa QM, oo xaqiijiyay in intii u dhexaysay 2015 ilaa 2017, bilmetel, Maraykanku qiyaastii 3 000 ilaa 5 000 oo CXS ee Shabeellaha Hoose jooga uu, isagoo u soo dhex marinayay qandaraasle gacanta saddexaad ah, qofkiiba si saddex-biloodle ah $100 u siinayay.[77]

Sannaddii 2018 ayuu Maraykanku joojiyay gunnadii la siin jiray unugyada CXS ka tirsan, kolkii musuqmaasuq ba’ani uu ka soo baxay qandaraaslayaasha gacanta saddexaad ah ee uu adeegsanayay. Sidaas oo ay tahay, weli Maraykanku wuxuu qandaraaslayaasha gacanta saddexaad u adeegsadaa in uu gunnooyin gaadhsiiyo ciidammada Danab—xaashidani qarashkan gaar u may xusin maxaa yeelay wuxuu ka mid yahay lacagta $0.5 bilyan ah (ee ka sii mid ah wadarta $2.5 bilyan ah) ee Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debaddu u qoondaysay kaalmada amni ee CXS iyo Danab.[78]

Tirooyinkani Soomaaliya wax weyn ayay u noqonayaan. Tusaale ahaan, dawladda Soomaaliya waxay dakhliga cashuuraha ka heshay $173.3 milyan.[79] Haddii lagu kaaftoomo qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku shaaciyo oo keli ahna, wuxuu sannad kasta oo ka danbaysay 2007 ka badnaa lacagta dawladda Soomaaliya uga soo xeroota cashuuraha. Jaantuska 3aad ka sii eeg faahfaahinta.

 

Jaantuska 3: Isbarbardhigga dakhliga cashuurta Soomaaliya iyo qarashka amniga ee Maraykanka ee 2017–2020 (lacagtu waa doolarka Maraykanka)[80]

 


 

 

Kolka laga tago lacagta $0.5 bilyan ee Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debaddu ay tan iyo 2007  ku bixinaysay kaalmada amniga ee CXS iyo Danab, qarashka $2.5 bilyan intiisa kale wuxuu toos u galaa taageerada ciidammada AMISOM, halkii uu ka gaadhi lahaa dawladda Soomaaliyeed iyo ciidammadeeda. Hasayeeshee, doodda xaashidani soo bandhigaysaa waa in AMISOM (oo hadda ATMIS ahi) ay ku jirto dagaal aanay dawladda Soomaaliyeed ku fillayn bixinta qarashkiisa.

Siida uu qabo Matt Brydon oo arrimaha Soomaaliya falanqeeya, “haddii Maraykanku qarashka ka bixin waayo Soomaaliya, cid kale oo bixinaysaa ma jirto. Waana xaq haddii la dhaho [tusaale ahaan] Midawga Yurub lacagtiisu waxay ku xidhan tahay Maraykanka oo u baalalleeya.”[81]

Dabcan, waxa jira waayo heer goboleed ah oo ku hareeraysan qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka uu Maraykanku ku bixiyo Soomaaliya, kuwaas oo xaaladda ka dhiga in qarashka uu Maraykanku ugu talagalo argagaxisa-la-dirirka Soomaaliya aanu ahayn miisaaniyadda keli ah ee Maraykanku u qoondeeyo hawlaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Soomaaliya ku aaddan, oo sidoo kale aanu ahayn habka keli ah ee Maraykanku ugu lug leeyahay khilaafka Soomaaliya.

Tusaale ahaan, dawladda Maraykanku waxay qarashkeeda argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee ay geliso dalal ay ka mid yihiin Kiiniya iyo Itoobbiya, oo qudhiisu ah qarash aan raadkiisa la gaadhi karin, badanka ku sababaysaa khilaafka Soomaaliya ka taagan. Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debaddu waxay marar badan Fasiraadda Miisaaniyadda Golaha Wakiillada ee Hawlgallada Debadda ee Itoobbiya ku sababaysaa sidan soo socota iyo wax u dhigma: “sababta ay sannad-miisaaniyadeedyadii 2008 iyo 2009 loo kordhiyay maalgelinta lagu taageero barnaamishyada Nabadda iyo Amnigu waa in ay jiraan khataro ka imanaya fallaagooyinka gudaha, Eratariya, iyo xagjirrada Soomaaliya, taas oo u baahan in si weyn loo kordhiyo kaalmada debadda ee la siinayo dalkan saaxiibka muhiimka ah u ah Maraykanka.”[82] Qodobkan baa lagu sababeeyay kordhintii maalgelinta Nabadda iyo Amniga ee la siinayay Itoobbiya oo sannad-maaliyadeeddii 2008 ahaa qiyaastii $2 663 000, oo sannad-maaliyadeeddii 2009 la gaadhsiiyay $7 600 000.[83] Sida xaqiiqadu tahayna, tan iyo horraantii 2000nadii, Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda Maraykanku waxay kaalmada Itoobbiya la siiyo ku sababayn jirtay in ay tahay mid la siinayo “saaxiib muhiim ah ... oo kaalin weyn oo qiime leh ka qaatay ladagaallanka argagaxisada,” gaar ahaan kahortagga “khataraha ka imanaya [dalal ay ka mid tahay] Soomaaliya.”[84] Kolka si kale loo dhigo, Maraykanku qarashka uu ku bixiyo ama ku joogo Soomaaliya ma aha uun mid toos ugu socda dawladda dhexe ee Soomaaliya iyo Ciidanka iyo AMISOM, ee sidoo kale waa mid lagu bixiyo hawlo, hawlgallo, iyo xidhiidho lala yeesho xukuumadaha dalal ay Itoobbiya ka mid tahay.

 


 

 

Gunaanad

Guud ahaan, xaashidani waxay baadhis ku samaysay labo jid oo hawlaha argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku ay u sii huriyaan khilaafka Soomaaliya. Maraykanku wuxuu tababbarka cutubyada gaarka ah ee Ciidanka Xoogga Soomaaliyeed ku hagaa qaab kor-ka-soo-dhis ah oo u eexanaya siyaasadaha Dawladda Dhexe ee Soomaaliya ee fadhigeedu Muqdisho yahay. Waana siyaasad aan la jaanqaadayn sida bulshada Soomaaliyeed u abaabulan tahay iyo waayaheeda. Sidaa darteed, hannaanka Maraykanku raacaa waa mid xiisad ka dhex kicinaya madaxda dawladda dhexe ee Muqdisho iyo kooxaha heer degaan ee bulsha-weynta. Cutubyo badan oo Ciidanka Xoogga ka tirsan ayaa kolka uu Maraykanku tababbarka u dhammeeyo, iyagoo layli fiican qaba, ku laabta jewi uu hadheeyay khilaaf siyaasadeed, arrintaas oo kooxaha ay al-Shabaab ka mid tahay siisa fursad ay ku hawlgalaan. Sidaa awgeed, tababbarka ciidanka ee Maraykanku ka bixiyo Soomaaliya wuxuu lamahuraan ka dhigaa in khilaaf qarxo. Dhanka kalana, nidaamyada kale ee gun-ka-tolidda ah ee nabad-dhiska ee degaannada kale ee gobolka, sida Soomaalilaan, ka hanaqaaday waxa weli dibindaabyeeya falaadka Maraykanka.

Mar-labaadka, iyadoo ay ugu wacan tahay qaabka ay u bixiso qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka, dawladda Maraykanku hawlaha ay Soomaaliya ka haysaa waxay xataa ka qarsoon yihiin saraakiisha dawladda Maraykanka ee shaqadooduba tahay fahmidda iyo fasiraadda joogista Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya. Maaddaama banyaalnimadii laga rabey aanu lahayn qarashka argagaxisa-la-dirirka ee Maraykanku uu geliyo ama ku bixiyo Soomaaliya, waxay taasi ka dhigan tahay in Maraykanku, marka la eego qarashka wasaaradihiisa Arrimaha Debadda iyo Gaashaandhigga, aanu Soomaaliya ku ahayn “nabad-ilaaliye” debadda ka jooga e, uu ka mid yahay cidaha shidaalinaya dagaalka. Arrinta waxa uga sii daraya baaxadda qarashka Maraykanka oo intuu doono ka badan dakhliga cashuuraha uga soo xerooda Dawladda Federaalka Soomaaliya. Hannaanka Maraykanka ee ladagaallanka al-Shabaabna gacanta sare ayuu leeyahay, sababtuna ma aha uun raadka iyo galangalka uu Maraykanku leeyahay ee sidoo kale waxa culayskaa siinaya in qaadhaanka uu maaliyad ahaan ku darsadaa aad uga muquuninayo hannaan kasta oo kale oo Soomaaliya loogu xaqiijin lahaa nabad iyo amni.


***

Warbixintan waxa asalkii faafiyay Mashruuca Khasaaraha Dagaalka (Costs of War Project) ee Maxadka Watson ee Ummuuraha Caalamiga ah iyo kuwa Guud (Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs) ee ka tirsan Jaamacadda Brown. Cinwaanka Af Ingiriisiga ee warbixintuna wuxuu ahaa Making Crisis Inevitable: The Effects of U.S. Counterterrorism Training and Spending in Somalia.

© Ẹniọlá Ànúolúwapọ́ Ṣóyẹmí, 2023

© Costs of War Project, Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, Brown University, 2023

Turjumaadda Soomaaliga © Cabdicasiis Guudcadde

***

Tixraacyo

[2] Phillips, S. (2020). When There Was No Aid: War and Peace in Somaliland. Cornell University Press.

[3]  Malito, D. (2021, May 12). The Endless US War on Terror in Somalia. Italian Institute for International Political Studies. https://www.ispionline.it/en/pubblicazione/endless-us-war-terror-somalia-30359

[4] Lorch, D. (1994, March 26). Last of the U.S. Troops Leave Somalia; What Began as a Mission of Mercy Closes with Little Ceremony. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/1994/03/26/world/last-us-troops-leave-somalia-what-began-mission-mercy-closes-with-little.html

[5] Williams, P. (2020, July). Understanding US Policy in Somalia: Current Challenges and Future Options

Chatham House.

[6] Joffe, L. (2011, June 12). Fazul Abdullah Mohammed Obituary. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/jun/12/fazul-abdullah-mohammed-obituary

[7] Isla tixraaca sare (Its.)

[8] Williams, P. (2017, January 11). Paying for AMISOM: Are Politics and Bureaucracy Undermining the AU’s Largest Peace Operation? IPI Global Conservatory. https://theglobalobservatory.org/2017/01/amisom-african-union-peacekeeping-financing/

[9] Brydon, M. (2021, November 8). Fake Fight: The Quiet Jihadist Takeover of Somalia. The Elephant. 

https://www.theelephant.info/long-reads/2021/11/08/fake-fight-the-quiet-jihadist-takeover-of-somalia/; Williams, P. (2020, July 14).Understanding US Policy in Somalia. Chatham House. 

https://www.chathamhouse.org/2020/07/understanding-us-policy-somalia/4-us-policy-working-somalia

[10] Ingiriis, M. (2021, January 6). The Biden administration can change failed US policy towards Somalia. LSE Blog. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/2021/01/06/the-biden-administration-can-change-failed-us-policy-towards-somalia/.  Iyo sidoo kale, Lorch, D. (1994, March 26). Last of the US Troops Leave Somalia; What Began as a Mission of Mercy Closes with Little Ceremony. The New York Times. 

https://www.nytimes.com/1994/03/26/world/last-us-troops-leave-somalia-what-began-mission-mercy-closes-with-little.html.

[11] U.S. Department of State. FY 2009 Congressional Budget Justification for Foreign Operations: Africa Regional Overview. Request by Region-Africa. https://2009-2017.state.gov/f/releases/iab/fy2009cbj/index.htm

[12] Yusuf, Z. (2016, November 17). Islamic State Threat in Somalia’s Puntland State. International Crisis Group. https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/horn-africa/somalia/islamic-state-threat-somalias-puntland-state

[13] Somali forces end deadly al-Shabaab hotel siege, https://www.france24.com/en/africa/20220821-somali-forces-end-deadly-al-shabaab-hotel-siege

[14] The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED). Research Hub: Al Shabaab in Somalia and Kenya.https://acleddata.com/research-hub-al-shabaab-in-somalia-and-kenya/

[15] Sperber, A. (2021, May 20). Back from the brink? Somalia’s political crisis explained. The New Humanitarian. https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2021/5/20/somalias-political-crisis-explained.

[16] Waxa xisaabtan lala kaashaday kaydka ay faafisay Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debadda ee Maraykanka, iyo waraysiyo taa ay isu maragfureen oo lala yeeshay madax hadda xil ka haysa Maraykanka ama hore uga hayn jirtay.

[17] Waraysi ka-daba-tag ah oo lala yeeshay il-xogeed ka hawlgasha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, Maarso 09, 2022.

[18] Blitzer, R.; Friden, L. (2022, August 17). US drone strike kills 13 al-Shabab fighters in Somalia. Fox News. 

https://www.foxnews.com/world/us-drone-strike-kills-thirteen-al-shabab-fighters-somalia

[19] Zilber, A.; Griffith, K. (2018, June 10). Special forces soldier, 26, who Trump called a hero after he was killed in attack in Somalia believed to have been carried out by Al-Shabaab militants. The Daily Mail. 

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-5826023/Pentagon-identifies-special-forces-soldier-killed-attack-Somalia.html.

[20] Lead Inspector General Report to the United States Congress on East Africa Counterterrorism Operation North and West Africa Counterterrorism Operation. (2020, July 1-2020, September 30). East Africa Counterterrorism Operation: North and West Africa Counterterrorism Operation. p. 12. 

https://media.defense.gov/2020/Nov/25/2002541626/-1/-1/1/LEAD%20IG%20EAST%20AFRICA%20AND%20NORTH%20AND%20WEST%20AFRICA%20COUN TERTERRORISM%20OPERATIONS.PDF 

[21] BBC News. (2020, December 5). Trump orders withdrawal of US troops from Somalia. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-55196130.

[22] Kheel, R. (2022, March 15). Push to Send Troops Back to Somalia Coming from Senate. Military.com.  https://www.military.com/daily-news/2022/03/15/push-send-us-troops-back-somalia-coming-senate.html

[23] Myers, M. (2021, April 27). US troops now ‘commuting’ to work. Military Times.  https://www.militarytimes.com/news/your-military/2021/04/27/us-troops-now-commuting-to-work-to-help-somalia-fight-al-shabab/

[24] Lopez, T. (2022, May 16). U.S. to Resume Small, Persistent Presence in Somalia. U.S. Department of Defense. https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/3033345/us-to-resume-small-persistent-presence-in-somalia/.

[25] Lead Inspector General Report to the United States Congress on East Africa Counterterrorism Operation North and West Africa Counterterrorism Operation. (2020, July 1-2020, September 30). East Africa Counterterrorism Operation: North and West Africa Counterterrorism Operation. p.18. 

https://media.defense.gov/2020/Nov/25/2002541626/-1/-1/1/LEAD%20IG%20EAST%20AFRICA%20AND%20NORTH%20AND%20WEST%20AFRICA%20COUN TERTERRORISM%20OPERATIONS.PDF

[26] Waraysi Diseenbar 10, 2022 lala yeeshay xubin sare oo ka tirsananaan jirtay ciidanka Soomaaliyeed, oo ay isu maragfureen waraysi kale oo Maarso 26, 2022 lala yeeshay Maxamed Xaaji Ingiriis.

[27] Fiiri, BBC News. (2019, September 30). Somalia: Jihadists attack US training base at Baledoglehttps://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-49879607

[28] Waraysi  Maarso 26, 2022 lala yeeshay Maxamed Xaaji Ingiriis.

[29] Sida ay sheegtay xubin ka tirsanaan jirtay ciidanka Soomaaliyeed oo xaashidan lagu waraystay.

[30] Robinson, C. (2021, March 17). Rising Politicization Risks Splitting Somali National Army. The Global Observatory. https://theglobalobservatory.org/2021/03/rising-politicization-risks-splitting-somali-national-army/ Xogtan waxa lagu xaqiijiyay warays Diseenbar 10, 2022 lala yeeshay xubin sare oo ka tirsanaan jirtay xoogagga amniga ee Soomaaliya. Waxa sidoo kale lagu xaqiijiyay waraysi Maarso 26, 2022 lala yeeshay Maxamed Xaaji Ingiriis.

[31] Waraysi Maarso 15, 2022 lala yeeshay cilmibaadhe sare oo daneeya joogista Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya.

[32] Staff Reporter. (2021, December 21). Heavy Fighting in Somalia’s Puntland claims several lives. Garowe Online. https://www.garoweonline.com/en/news/puntland/heavy-fighting-in-somalia-s-puntland-claims-several-lives.

[33] Obsiye, L.; Hussein, L. (2021, June 23). Somalia’s divided army reflects its divided politics. African Arguments. https://africanarguments.org/2021/06/somalia-divided-army-reflects-its-divided-politics/

[34] Reuters. (2022, February 20). US Begins Counter-terrorism Training in Africa Amid Upheaval. VOA News. https://www.voanews.com/a/6451365.html?s=08

[35] Waraysi Diseenbar 10, 2022 lala yeeshay xubin sare oo ka tirsanaan jirtay xoogagga ammaanka ee Soomaaliya.

[36] Dhaysane, M. (2021, September 3). Somali commandos trained by Turkey back home. Anadolu Agency. 

https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/somali-commandos-trained-by-turkey-back-home/2169184. Hussein A.; Coskun, O. (2017, September 30). Turkey Opens Military Base in Somalia to Train Somali Soldiers

Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-somalia-turkey-military/turkey-opens-military-base-in-mogadishu-to-train-somali-soldiers-idUSKCN1C50JH

[37] Hassan, A. (2009, March). Inside Look at the Fighting Between Al-Shabab and Ahlu –Sunna wal-Jama. Combating Terrorism Center (Vol2:3). https://ctc.usma.edu/inside-look-at-the-fighting-between-al-shabab-and-ahlu-sunna-wal-jama/

[38] ASWJ waa xaalad kakan. Walow ay kooxdani bilawgii ka adkaatay al-Shabaab, haddana dardartaa waxa wiiqay in la waaayay muwaafaqo siyaasadeed oo dhex marta ASWJ iyo dawladda federaalka iyo maamullada xubnaha ka ah. Dabcan, guulo isku dhafan baa laga gaadhay dedaallo lagu rabey in xoogagga ASWJ la qarameeyo oo lagu daro ciidammada qaranka iyo kuwa maamul-goboleeddada. Sannadihii u danbeeyay waxa isa soo tarayay dagaallada ka dhex qarxayay ASWJ iyo ciidammada federaalka iyo kuwa maamul-goboleeddada. ASWJ waxay ka dhalatay dedaallo isugu jira in la ilaashado iyo in la horumariyo dariiqa Suufiyada, taas oo ay weheliyaan xidhiidho ay la lahaayeen qabiillo gaar ah oo dega badhtamaha Soomaaliya. Macluumaad dheeraad ka sii eeg: Somali Dispatch. (2020, February 29). Clashes between Ahlu Sunna and Somali forces spread in the region

https://www.somalidispatch.com/featured/clashes-between-ahlu-sunna-and-somali-forces-spreads-in-the-region/; Ingiriis, M. (2020, June 16). Ahlu-Sunna Wal Jameeca and the Political Marketplace in Somalia.

LSE Blog. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/crp/2020/06/16/ahlu-sunna-and-the-political-marketplace-somalia/;

Admin. (2019, December 12). Ahlu Sunna, Somalia’s Federal Gov’t Hammer a landmark deal. Somaliland Standard. https://somalilandstandard.com/ahlu-sunna-somalias-federal-govt-hammer-a-landmark-deal/

[39] Hoehne, M. (2010, February). Political Representation in Somalia: citizenship, clanism and territoriality in Whose peace is it Anyway? Conciliation Resources, Accord: Issue 21. https://www.c-r.org/accord/somalia/political-representation-somalia-citizenship-clanism-and-territoriality.

[40] Waxa lagu xaqiijiyay waraysi Maarso 10, 2022 lala yeeshay khabiir sare oo QM ka tirsan, iyo sidoo kale waraysi Maarso 15, 2022 lala yeeshay cilmibaadhe sare oo daneeya joogista Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya.

[41] Waraysi Maarso 15, 2022 lala yeeshay cilmibaadhe sare oo daneeya joogista Maraykanka ee Soomaaliya.

[42] Waraysi  Maarso 26, 2022 lala yeeshay Maxamed Xaaji Ingiriis.

[43] Fiiri, Brydon, M. (2021, November 8). Fake Fight: the Quiet Jihadist Takeover of Somalia. The Elephant. https://www.theelephant.info/long-reads/2021/11/08/fake-fight-the-quiet-jihadist-takeover-of-somalia/

[44] Tuuryare, A. (2020, February 17). Somalia president playing a dangerous game with centralism. Mareeg Media. https://mareeg.com/somalia-president-playing-a-dangerous-game-with-centralism/

[45] Interpeace. (2008, May 15). Peace in Somaliland: An Indigenous Approach to State-Building

https://www.interpeace.org/resource/peace-in-somaliland/

[46] Waxa laga soo xigtay waraysi Febraayo 08, 2022 lala yeeshay  il-xogeed aan rabin in magaceeda la shaaciyo oo ka tirsan Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka

[47] Il-xogeed magaceeda la qariyay oo ka tirsan Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, oo la waraystay Febraayo 08, 2022.

[48] African Union Mission in Somalia. AMISOM Military Component. https://amisom-au.org/mission-profile/military-component/

[49] African Union. (2022, March 8). Peace and Security Council 1068th Meeting. https://atmis-au.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/communique-for-the-1068th-meeting-on-atmis-mandate-8-march-2022.pdf

[50] ForeignAssistance.gov. U.S. Foreign Assistance by Country. https://foreignassistance.gov/cd/somalia/2013/disbursements/0

[51] (2015). Congressional Budget Justification: Foreign Assistance, Summary Tables. https://2009-2017.state.gov/documents/organization/224071.pdf

[52] Il-xogeed magaceeda la qariyay oo ka tirsan Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, oo la waraystay Febraayo 08, 2022.

[53] Lifaaqa A ka fiiri qarashka oo kala dhigdhigan.

[54] Il-xogeed magaceeda la qariyay oo ka tirsan Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, oo la waraystay Febraayo 08, 2022.

[55] Waraysi ka-daba-tag ah oo lala yeeshay il-xogeed magaceeda la qariyay oo ka hawlgasha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, Maarso 22, 2022.

[56] Klobucista, C; Masters, J.; Sergie, M. (2022, December 6). Al-Shabaab. Council on Foreign Relations.  https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/al-shabab.

[57] Waraysi ka-daba-tag ah oo lala yeeshay il-xogeed magaceeda la qariyay oo ka hawlgasha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, Febraayo 08, 2022.

[58] African Union Mission in Somalia. AMISOM offensive captures Strategic town of Buulo Burdohttps://amisom-au.org/2014/03/amisom-offensive-captures-strategic-town-of-buulo-burdo/

[59] United Nations Peacekeeping. What is Peacekeeping. https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/what-is-peacekeeping

[60] Fiiri, ForeignAssistance.gov. U.S. Foreign Assistance by Country.

https://foreignassistance.gov/cd/somalia/2009/obligations/0

[61] BBC News. (2017, February 8). Somalia’s Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo chosen as president. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-38904663

[62] Mahmood, O. (2021, April 27). Why Somalia’s Electoral Crisis Has Tipped into Violence. International Crisis Group. https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/horn-africa/somalia/why-somalias-electoral-crisis-has-tipped-violence

[63] (2022). Congressional Budget Justification, Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs, Supplementary Tables. https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/FY-2022-CBJ-Supplementary-Tables-Final-6-25-2021.pdf

[64] Fiiri, Defense Security Cooperation Agency. Section 333 Authority to Build Capacity. https://www.dsca.mil/section-333-authority-build-capacity; Center for American Progress. (2021, March 9). A Plan to Reform U.S. Security Assistance.https://www.americanprogress.org/article/plan-reform-u-s-security-assistance/

[65] Waraysi ka-daba-tag ah oo lala yeeshay il-xogeed magaceeda la qariyay oo ka hawlgasha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, Maarso 22, 2022.

[66] United States Africa Command. (2021, July 8). Armored Personnel Carriers complement Somalia security forces in fight against al-Shabaab. U.S. Embassy in Somalia. https://www.africom.mil/image/33871/armored-personnel-carriers-complement-somalia-security-forces-in-fight-against-al-shabaab

[67] Waraysi ka-daba-tag ah oo lala yeeshay il-xogeed ka hawlgasha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, Maarso 22, 2022.

[68] Waraysi ka-daba-tag ah oo lala yeeshay il-xogeed ka hawlgasha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, Maarso 22, 2022.

[69] Waraysi ka-daba-tag ah oo lala yeeshay il-xogeed magaceeda la qariyay oo ka hawlgasha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, Maarso 09, 2022.

[70] Waraysi ka-daba-tag ah oo lala yeeshay il-xogeed magaceeda la qariyay oo ka hawlgasha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, Febraayo 08, 2022.

[71] Waraysi ka-daba-tag ah oo lala yeeshay il-xogeed magaceeda la qariyay oo ka hawlgasha Golaha Wakiillada Maraykanka, Febraayo 08, 2022.

[72] Fiiri, Center for American Progress. (2021, March 9). A Plan to Reform U.S. Security Assistance. https://www.americanprogress.org/article/plan-reform-u-s-security-assistance/

[73] USASpending.gov. PAE Government Services, Inc. https://www.usaspending.gov/recipient/fd602973-d119-7ced-a3e7-11ecee5a9318-C/latesthttps://www.pae.com

[74] Lead Inspector General Report to the United States Congress on East Africa Counterterrorism Operation North and West Africa Counterterrorism Operation. (2020, July 1-2020, September 30). East Africa Counterterrorism Operation: North and West Africa Counterterrorism Operation. P. 20-21. 

https://media.defense.gov/2020/Nov/25/2002541626/-1/-1/1/LEAD%20IG%20EAST%20AFRICA%20AND%20NORTH%20AND%20WEST%20AFRICA%20COUNTERTERRORISM%20OPERATIONS.PDF

[75] Waraysi Febraayo 15, 2022 lala yeeshay cilmibaadhe sare oo magaciisa la qariyay.

[76] Waraysi Febraayo 15, 2022 lala yeeshay cilmibaadhe sare oo magaciisa la qariyay.

[77] Waraysi Maarso 10, 2022 lala yeeshay khabiir QM ka tirsanaan jiray oo aan rabin in magaciisa la xuso.

[78] Waraysi Febraayo 15, 2022 lala yeeshay cilmibaadhe sare oo magaciisa la qariyay.

[79] The World Bank. Tax Revenue (current LCU) - Somalia. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/GC.TAX.TOTL.CN?end=2019&locations=SO&start=2017&view=ch art 

[80] Tirooyinka dakhliga Dawladda Federaalka Soomaaliya waxa laga soo xigtay Bangiga Adduunka. Tax Revenue (current LCU) - Somalia. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/GC.TAX.TOTL.CN?end=2020&locations=SO&most_recent_value_de sc=false&start=2017&view=chart

[81] Waraysi Diseenbar 01, 2022 lala yeeshay Matt Brydon, Agaasimaha Xarunta Cilmibaadhista ee Sahan.

[82] U.S. Department of State. FY 2009 Congressional Budget Justification for Foreign Operations: Africa Regional Overview. Request by Region-Africa. https://2009-2017.state.gov/f/releases/iab/fy2009cbj/index.htm

[83] U.S. Department of State. FY 2009 Congressional Budget Justification for Foreign Operations: Africa Regional Overview. Request by Region: Africa, Ethiopia. https://2009-2017.state.gov/f/releases/iab/fy2009cbj/index.htm.

[84] U.S. Department of State. FY 2003 Congressional Budget Justification for Foreign Operations: Africa Regional Overview. Request by Region: Africa. P.187-8. https://2009-2017.state.gov/s/d/rm/rls/cbj/2003/index.htm.